The Committee on Employment was chaired by Hubert T. Delany, the first African-American Commissioner of Taxes and Assessments for New York City. Other members were Morris Ernst, a prominent attorney at the American Civil Liberties Union, Eunice Hunton Carter, the first female African-American prosecutor in the Manhattan District Attorney’s office, and John G. Grimley, hospital administrator. The Relief Committee was chaired by A. Philip Randolph, founder and leader of the International Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters. Members included Monsignor William R. McCann, pastor of St. Charles Borromeo Catholic Church and Charles H. Roberts, the first Black member of the Board of Aldermen.
Between 1910 and 1930, Harlem experienced rapid growth in the number of Black residents. From 1910 to 1920 the Black population grew from 28,690 to 83,597—a 191.3% increase. The Black population continued to increase by a staggering 144% and totaled 204,318 by 1930.[1] During the Great Depression, the New Deal, and Jim Crow era, discrimination was built into everyday life. The Committee identified patterns of discriminatory practices within the government offices that administered work relief and in employers across all sectors.
The Relief Committee demonstrated that the Central Harlem community had limited access to the free social-welfare programs. Some residents were denied resources because of their race; or were provided fewer resources than advertised.
The Employment committee documented Harlem’s dependence on local businesses—the majority being barber shops, beauty parlors, and restaurants.[2] The majority of unemployed Blacks in Harlem were labeled “unskilled” workers, despite having training, education and experience in various fields and professions. The Committee recorded the percentage of Black employees per industry. These were the top three results: domestic and personal service, manufacturing, and transportation. Out of seven industries, only three had a workforce with more than 10% Black.[3] The committee also documented the exclusionary practices within government jobs and services that stripped away fundamental rights from minorities in Harlem. In conclusion, they stated “The outburst on March nineteenth expressed the past resentment of the Negro against exclusion from all but the most menial jobs.”[4]
The Committee asked workers about their public sector work experiences and noted a pattern of municipal government agencies purposefully selecting minorities for lower-skilled jobs even when they qualified for more advanced employment. It also found that the Black community comprised the majority of applicants for the Harlem Office of the State Employment Service. “The percentage of Negroes on the staff exceeded the percentage of Negroes in the general population.”[5] The Committee concluded that “the important question at issue is whether Negroes were given positions and promoted on the same basis as other persons. An analysis of the figures furnished by the Bureau shows that Negroes were not given supervisory positions nor positions which one might designate as strategic.”[6]
The Committee asked workers about their public sector work experiences and noted a pattern of municipal government agencies purposefully selecting minorities for lower-skilled jobs even when they qualified for more advanced employment. It also found that the Black community comprised the majority of applicants for the Harlem Office of the State Employment Service. “The percentage of Negroes on the staff exceeded the percentage of Negroes in the general population.”[5] The Committee concluded that “the important question at issue is whether Negroes were given positions and promoted on the same basis as other persons. An analysis of the figures furnished by the Bureau shows that Negroes were not given supervisory positions nor positions which one might designate as strategic.”[6]
The Committee concluded that “Discrimination in the appointment of Negro personnel to the Home Relief Bureau reflected the policy of the New York Community. Superior Negro men and women with Business and professional experience were placed under white officials who were obviously inferior to them… In view of the conditions under which the Negro personnel worked, they displayed remarkable restraint and emotional balance.”
[1] Statistic from the 1936 Harlem Conditions Report, pp. 20
[2] Youth in the Ghetto (New York; HARYOU 1964) pp. 113-114
[3] The 1936 Harlem Conditions Report, pp. 21
[4] Ibid, pp. 29
[5] Ibid, pp. 40
[6] Ibid, pp. 40
Skip to content
